When President Yoon Suk-yeol addressed the nation live on South Korean television Tuesday evening, few expected him to declare martial law.
The last time a leader of the country did this was nearly half a century ago, in 1979, amid several decades of authoritarian rule that ended in 1987.
This era began with the conclusion of the Korean War from 1950 to 1953, after which several dictator-leaders periodically declared martial law to deploy the military onto the streets and suppress anti-government protests.
Heavily armed forces surrounded the parliament with the support of military helicopters and armored vehicles. Legislators climbed over walls to enter the building, using fire extinguishers to hold back the troops.
Many South Koreans have vivid memories of this: alarming footage of people in military gear, tanks, and helicopters descending on the National Assembly building in Seoul reminded most citizens of the military junta era, which many would prefer never to revisit.
Legislators who managed to return to the building rejected Yoon’s declaration of martial law with a vote of 190-0, including 18 lawmakers from Yoon's own party, and just six hours later, at 4:30 AM local time, the president rescinded his order.
Why did Yoon Suk-yeol declare martial law?
In his televised address on Tuesday, Yoon ordered the imposition of martial law without prior warning.
He vowed to eliminate "anti-state forces" that, according to him, were trying to destabilize the situation in the country and were plotting a rebellion. Although the president did not provide any evidence of specific interference from Pyongyang in his statement, he effectively pointed fingers at opposition parties that had been blocking his policies and even attempted to impeach some of his appointees.
Despite the opposition dominating the parliament since April of this year and repeatedly blocking several initiatives proposed by the president, the radical move of declaring martial law still caught many off guard.
This was also a surprise for Yoon Han Dong, the leader of the conservative People Power Party, who responded by stating that the president's decision was "incorrect" and that he would "stop it together with the people."
The opposition leader Lee Jae-myung from the centrist-liberal Democratic Party called the announcement "illegal and unconstitutional."
Lee Myung-hee, an associate professor at Michigan State University, believes:
"Yoon has become increasingly frustrated both due to disagreements within his own party and the opposition's attempts in the National Assembly to block key parts of his agenda."
He has also faced several scandals related to abuse of power, including allegations that his wife accepted a Dior bag from one of the pastors.
Lee added that Yoon, whose approval rating stands at just 20%, had already faced calls for impeachment prior to this incident and found himself in an incredibly weak position.
Nonetheless, according to Lee, what led him to calculate the benefits of such a move remains "a true mystery."
"For many, this is seen as a foolish move - he was in such a politically precarious position," he stated.
The Constitution of South Korea grants the president the right to use the military to maintain order during wartime, in situations akin to war, or in other comparable emergencies. This may include suspending civil rights, such as freedom of the press and assembly, as well as temporarily limiting the powers of courts and government institutions.
However, it also gives the National Assembly the right to revoke the declaration by a majority vote.
Some experts argue that the manner in which Yoon declared martial law went far beyond his legal authority. While it implies extensive powers, the constitution does not allow the president to use the military to suspend the work of the parliament. Many also doubt whether the country is truly facing a situation comparable to war.
South Korea's foreign policy under Yoon
During his time in power, Yoon's government has sought to strengthen ties with Washington, a policy that has generally been well-received by the South Korean public.
However, his attempts to improve relations with Japan on several fronts, including intelligence sharing and conducting military exercises, have been far less popular. Such steps remain somewhat taboo in the country due to the traumatic past related to Japanese colonial rule.
When it comes to North Korea, as evident from his statements on Tuesday, Yoon has taken a more hawkish stance than his predecessor. Former President Moon Jae-in sought to establish contacts with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, while the current administration has virtually halted such initiatives.
As for the neighboring global power - China - Yoon has attempted to take a pragmatic approach, stating that he does not believe South Korea needs to choose between China and the U.S.
What comes next?
Impeachment appears to be the most likely option, given the nearly unanimous condemnation of Yoon's actions even within his own party.
Senior advisers to the president, secretaries, and some cabinet members, including Defense Minister Kim Hyun-chong, have collectively proposed resigning.
All of this does not bode well for Yoon.
On Wednesday morning, six opposition parties submitted a proposal for the president's impeachment, which will require the support of two-thirds of the parliament and at least six judges from the country's Constitutional Court. The liberal opposition Democratic Party holds a majority in the 300-seat parliament and has called for the president's resignation.
Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik will convene a session to discuss this proposal, which may take place as early as Friday or Saturday. A vote must occur within three days of the impeachment proposal being submitted.
The last time martial law was declared in the country was in 1979 following the assassination of former military dictator Park Chung-hee.
Ironically, Yoon Suk-yeol pursued a corruption case against Park's daughter, who was president of South Korea until her impeachment for abuse of power in 2016.
A bit of history
South Korea only became a democracy in the late 1980s, and military intervention in civilian affairs remains a sensitive topic.
During the dictatorships that arose in the wake of the Korean War from 1950 to 1953, leaders periodically declared martial law, which allowed them to deploy soldiers, tanks, and armored vehicles on the streets or in public places to prevent anti-government demonstrations.
Such scenes are unimaginable to many South Koreans today.
Dictator Park Chung-hee, who ruled South Korea for nearly 20 years before being killed by his intelligence chief in 1979, deployed several thousand soldiers into Seoul early on May 16, 1961, during the country's first coup. He declared martial law several times to stop protests and imprison critics.
Less than two months after Park's death, Major General Chun Doo-hwan imposed tanks and troops in Seoul during the second coup in the country in December 1979. The following year, he orchestrated a brutal military suppression of a pro-democracy uprising in the southern city of Gwangju, resulting in the deaths of at least 200 people.
In the summer of 1987, mass street protests forced Chun's government to agree to direct presidential elections. His military ally Roh Tae-woo, who joined Chun's coup in 1979, won the elections held later in 1987, largely due to the division of votes among candidates from the liberal opposition.